Puddle Of Blood Next To Poop

Presentation of the Manual in Colombia

Colombia: LAND HOT

Extension Partners Program " The right to have rights "traveled to Colombia to submit the manual and workshops at the University Surcolombiana of Neiva, capital of Huila. Also were in Bogota where we met with human rights organizations. William Torres, Director of the Master of "Conflict, Land and Culture" was the initiator of this exchange that promises continuity.

In December 2009, when university life was entering its final stage, three members of the Outreach Program of the UNLP, "The right to have rights", members of the Collective for Research and Legal Action (CIAJ), we traveled to Colombia to present and elaborate on the experience, developed from five years ago in Argentina. In Neiva did three days of workshops and Surcolombiana University conference. In turn, we share a talk with relatives of the disappeared in Colombia (ASFADDES) in the same university. We held a meeting with the Union of University Professors. And we visited the Commune People's School 8 of Neiva. In Bogotá, we met with CHILDREN Colombia, with the Latin American Institute for Alternative Legal Services (ILSA), with the Regional Centre for Human Rights and Gender Justice and the partner HUMAN lawyer Iris Lacalle. There were ten days where we met different social groups from their homes, fight and believe in a different Colombia.

Agora Chat Surcolombiana University Human Rights and Memory

Lecture "Human Rights Report"

The first intervention in Colombian soil was in the context of a talk organized by the Central Unica de Trabajadores (CUT) at the University Surcolombiana. The Association of Relatives of Detained and Disappeared (ASFADDES), through its representative Gloria Gomez, stressed the importance of fighting for the "memory of the thousands of missing and killed by paramilitaries and the army of the Colombian State. " We share a brief analysis about the situation of military trials of perpetrators of genocide occurred in the last military dictatorship. And we discuss the grouping escraches children explain the meaning that symbolically in society, justice and popular brand in the neighborhood said soldiers who committed crimes against humanity, and today, many of them, or are kept under house arrest housed in a prison of their own military. But also as a community practice escraches to build memory, forgetting and avert social banality.

Conference Esteban Rodriguez in the auditorium of the University Surcolombiana on "The right to social protest"

Workshops and conference

Colombia The challenge was to work as part of a course intensive workshops with the aim of replicating the experience in Argentina and linked to the Colombian situation. For such a challenge, we worked in four meetings where they discussed pedagogical methodologies of social research and intervention, categories to identify problem situations, human rights, social actors and context. In turn, reflected on the concepts and scope of university extension in both Argentina and Colombia. These workshops also addressed parents to think about strategies from the university extension in connection with social organizations. And also rebuilt the previous work of our experience that led to the development Manual. Work on the design of the right to protest as the first right and the reconstruction of the manual and its parent dialectic, which has as its starting point the actual situation of the poorest sectors, aimed to initiate work to develop a manually applied to the Colombian situation.

The workshops produced many problems. Among them, the problem of peasants displaced from their land in rural areas was one of the situations highlighted. Thousands of families to be forced to leave their homes and "invade" (occupy or take) lands on the peripheries of large cities to live. Accompanying uprooted displaced persons (peasants who go to live in a city, farmers from Medellin to be Huila) are added stigma through which the locals take away and discriminates against them.

also addressed the political-military conflict between the Government of Colombia and the FARC, the FARC and the paramilitaries, between them and the government are some of the causes of these shifts. In turn, raised issues related to the problems of young people living in outlying communities, political violence, the thousands of disappearances and political killings, child labor, harassment police militarization, unemployment, among others.

The discussion about the extension, called in Colombia "social projection", fell on the need not to understand the extent such services to third parties. The extent Surcolombiana has no hierarchy and according to graduate students and degree, the "social projection" need to regain their community spirit, as it once was. Parenthetically, we held that a Masters thesis seen as not only research but the university extension. In this way the university provides a series umbrella to land jobs that are held in a context of strong state repression and persecution.

Another rich moment of the workshops was the forum devoted to thinking about strategies of intervention from the university to transform problematic situations recognized. The Colombian colleagues raised a number of projects and activities to generate from their spaces. The work in the communes with stakeholders, conducting community assessments, intervention from community media, the legal, political, art and popular education from framed a schedule of various proposals will resume this year.

The last workshop was devoted to work on the handbook. We work on the dialectic matrix involves recognizing problematic situations and the social sectors who suffer, to identify what rights are being violated and what are the responses of state and other civil society actors. And at the same time, think of strategies, what to do to transform social reality. This work allowed us to recover the work of the previous workshops and the task was to build parts of a manual where pedagogically fututo addressing human rights issues from a dialectical construction. The workshop ended with a dramatization of the situations where workshops, laughing and actors improvised overjoyed education space.

The last meeting we realize it at the office of the Master with William Torres and maestrandos who told us their thesis projects and exchanged proposals to enrich their work and ours. The proposal was standing, to draw up a manual back in Colombia.

workshops were planned in two videos, one on the experience of rights workshops conducted in 2006 and another related to the course developers health carried out in 2008 and 2009. The documentary Marche Preso, criminalization of social protest was the project within the framework of the lecture in the auditorium of the University along with a hundred students and academics.

A leading space was active participation in the workshops of the Director of the Master William Torres, and the Head of the School of Social Communication Jacquelin Garcia, who put on a par with their graduate students and degree, and worked at every opportunity that they are required. It is also to mention, the rich food that deadened the heat and energy put into these workshops.

The evaluation of the workshops was positive, which stressed the key ideas as "no rights without social organization," the rights you have when they are exercised, "the starting point is the problematic situation "and" addressing the rights collectively made effective. "

Franco

Pedersoli Conference in the auditorium of the University Surcolombiana

Franco interviewed by local media Perdersoli

Esteban Rodriguez

workshops

Gabriel Appella in workshops

Franco Pedersoli in workshops

Working

workshops

Documentary "Marche prisoner"

Representation of workshop

Meeting in the office of William

With William Fernando Torres

workshops and we

Meeting with ASPU

With fellow union teachers

In Neiva, too, were with their partners in the Association of University Professors Huila, they told us the persecutions by the government and paramilitary groups are operating within the University. The latter, in the style Tiple A in Argentina, blacklisting teachers, students and graduates to leave the University, otherwise "take action". Also told us how, in recent years, the government has endorsed each university charge is made for the same budget, the pension funds and pensions, which meant a considerable reduction of resources to support education. This led not only to several universities set quotas and increased tariffs, but have to sell services to third parties, ie, to prioritize those programs that provide more resources for the support of the University at the expense of those which, by particularities of the discipline (the humanities for example) are more likely to sell services to third parties.

With Iris Marin Ortiz

School Visit Popular Claretian "

Teachers at a school located in the middle of the Comuna 8 located on the outskirts of Neiva, inhabited mostly by peasant families displaced southern Huila, invited us to an experience of popular education began in the 80's. This school was born out of a group of women and was built communally by residents of the District Municipality in the Alps and is now recognized by the Colombian State. There are different classes, different subjects are taught through the daily life of children. Children that on several occasions, are accompanied by their parents to share popular education activities. They, the parents also have training opportunities for school contraturno.

School is the focal point of the community. Have an advantage, was built brick by brick by neighborhood residents. The teachers told us that work on the identity of the neighborhood and whose educational radio project to mount a child in school.

In Bogotá, ILSA meet

The Latin American Institute Alternative Legal Services (ILSA) we received at its headquarters in Bogota to share both experiences. Manual by Jorge Enrique Carvajal Martínez, one of its senior executives, he told us the experience of this organization working in research, advocacy, education and communication on human rights issues. Among them, international litigation, law and social change, environment, law and social participation, economic, social and cultural impact on public policy, migration and forced displacement, women's rights, armed conflict, humanitarian aid for displaced land and housing, "the right the return of the displaced. " These issues are addressed through research, links with social organizations, through training and empowerment for public policy advocacy, working with college students free legal clinics in the community.

ILSA, with over 30 years of experience, generates three-year plans to address in profanity the problems related to the human rights of vulnerable sectors of Colombia social. This organization raised us in your country there are many civil rights violations and politicians and that much of society, is accepting a dictatorial government. The so-called "democratic security" which is intended to annihilate the guerrillas mainly is an imaginary backdrop of the neglect of those crimes committed by the State and paramilitary groups, a society that gives carte blanche for the country is militarized with a strong military presence in outlying areas of large cities, a social imagination fueled by the continued failures of previous governments who promised peace, negotiated with rebel groups and at the same time, betrayed them by signing the Plan Colombia, opening the door to military bases U.S..

With Colombia CHILDREN

Camilo, a founder of KIDS, a group of militants and children of disappeared and killed by the army and the paramilitaries, received us in Bogotá. We provide material CHILDREN La Plata and the Manual and in a bar in Barrio La Candelaria, Cameron told us in detail the Colombian political context that gave rise to this group.

toured historic Camilo started by resistance from the peasants of Tolima, those who inhabited the "Republic of Marquetalia. " In this area, the army could not enter because farmer groups were formed liberals and communists led by Manuel Marulanda and Jacobo Arenas. It was the beginning of the FARC in the 60's. Other groups formed the National Liberation Army (ELN), led by Camilo Torres, the April 19 Movement (M19) and the People's Liberation Army (PLA), among others. From 60, said Camilo, there were many guerrillas in Colombia than in the year 89 demobilized, but the FARC and the ELN. The demands of these groups were the agrarian reform, the democratization of politics, popular election of mayors and governors, health and education. It remember that until the reform of the Colombian Constitution in 1991, citizens elected president and this only, once in power, elected mayors and governors.

In the period of demobilization of the guerrilla force after several agreements with several presidents, including Bacchus and Belisario Betancur Vargas (Uribe Agreements), the guerrilla groups formed their political parties to participate the political arena. Thus was born the Patriotic Union of FARC, ELN to fight and the Democratic Alliance of M19, among other parties. But these "agreements" were resisted groups of military, landowners, the bourgeoisie, landowners, drug traffickers, paramilitaries, and this time, he began one of the most important Latin American genocide. Over 4000 militants of the UP were murdered and about 1200 the political arm of the ELN. The story of the extermination of the UP and other political parties formed in those years, caused, among other experiences, the struggle of the Association sons currently fighting for compensation for material and political perpetrators of genocide, the truth about appropriate land to the peasants, by the rejection of the concept of self-defense and collective memory of those men and women Colombia battled for a very different from those living today.

Camilo went on to tell us the recent history, the responsibility for Uribe in the creation of paramilitary groups, who before their formation as such, were legal-armed civilian self-defense guarding stays and Colombian landowners land. Deserves a chapter of the issue of paramilitary, counterinsurgency armies of the links with drug trafficking, and partnerships with the Colombian army responsible for massacres of rural community, and the involvement of paramilitaries in the extermination the UP and other social forces in Colombia.

peace processes, the Pastrana administration, the current Justice and Peace Law that proclaims the demobilization of armed paramilitary groups, self-demobilization of some of these groups, the non-delivery of denuded land to the peasants, not working memory, political persecution, police harassment and political killings today, and the problem of thousands of displaced people, were the issues that we share with the militant in an unforgettable encounter CHILDREN .

HUMAN With

Francy Maldonado Barboza, Regional Center of Human Rights and Gender Justice HUMAN, met us at the office they have in the city of Bogotá. Manual and Colombian coffee through, exchanged two experiences. HUMAN works on human rights from a perspective of gender justice. Conducts workshops for legal and advocacy with the media and have been installed in the public arena and justice, the issue of sexual violence against women in the context of armed conflict. Other issues addressed by the Humanity lies in facilitating women's access to justice, work on rights and democratic political participation. Have a research area that is dedicated to placing women victims of sexual violence, reported sexual slavery, enforced prostitution, caused by paramilitary abuses by the Colombian army in urban and rural areas.

In 2004 they founded an Observatory of judicial decisions and Media and published for several years, under the Regional Joint Feminist Human Rights and Gender Justice, a Latin American Regional Report about the status of women's human rights.

William Special thanks to Fernando Torres, Jacqueline Garcia Rojas Vásquez and Yudy Yineth Alexandra Gutierrez. For the ones Alberto and Giovanni. And the sisters Amparo, Yamile, Adelaide, Gena, Uverney, Milena, Paula and Ann All, Now, friends of Neiva.


We also thank Jorge Enrique Carvajal Martinez of ILSA, a Camille CHILDREN, HUMAN Francy, and Iris Marin Ortiz.

Windows 7 Drivers For Creative Extigy

Review in the Journal BRIDGE (No. 27, La Plata, December 2009)

"A special book: The right to have rights"

is the title of a human rights manual for social organizations thought that just had its second edition, foreword by Robert Gargarella. Is the product of a long-standing experience in involving lawyers, journalists, social scientists and artists.

By Daniel Bader

The right to have rights was born of a sum of urgent militant practices, continued as a university extension proposal and is now a product-plus- Editorial: A human rights handbook atypical class action oriented with respect to rights enshrined in law but most of the time remain a dead letter.
Several of the authors of this manual, which has just submitted its second edition in less than a year, participated in collective books The criminalization of social protest (Group CHILDREN and Crack Group Publishing, 2003) and Policy terror. Forms of state terrorism in globalization (Ad-Hoc, 2007, reviewed in Bridges 21). More than once did or emergency calls received by an eviction or detention of a fellow, more than once found themselves answering the same questions.
In the book's foreword, the constitutional Roberto Gargarella characterized the Argentine political system as a democracy wound. There holds: Mechanisms of public action that have been in our extra-institutional power are illegal or directly by first places of the society outside the law, then is accused acting outside the law. Gargarella
's work, a professor at the Universidad Torcuato Di Tella, is one of the influences of the work carried out in La Plata. His books The right to protest: the first right and the right to resist the law, it became a benchmark to justify the social protest from a constitutional perspective. The manual, which was first a run sponsored by the Universidad Nacional de La Plata-free distribution among social organizations, and is entering the libraries on the imprint of The Collective, was proposed to bring these ideas to the neighborhoods to turn them into tools of social mobilization. Enlarge

democracy

The problem is not the vote, but the absolute absence of mechanisms that help to vote, complement, allowing the dialogue, the movement of voices able to help and correct each other, writes Gargarella. As explained by the authors of the right to have rights, many citizens who hold positions in the state (officials, judges and prosecutors) or develop his career in the private mass media, challenging the social protest because they ignore or refuse to recognize their constitutional status. For these citizens, who are nearly always part of the social sector (upper and middle sectors), we should not focus on the protest from the Constitution but from the Penal Code criminalizes (...) This view sees the marginalized as a danger to democracy, not realizing (or not wanting to do) that not only legally pursue shutting down democracy for important social sectors, but banning policy, ie, preventing these areas to exercise self-government.
A Truly democratic state, he argued, should protect rather than quell the protest, guarding the expression of disadvantaged groups of society. Not only because of social protest, while freedom of expression and assembly, is the essence of democracy, one of the forms assumed by civic engagement, but because those protagonists of the protest groups do not have the same opportunities as other sectors express problems that hinder the free development of their life plan.
rights are taken when exercised, the maximum of Cuban poet and independence hero José Martí coordinated through the publication by Esteban Rodriguez, Mariana and Gabriel Relli Appella, that aims to review all that the State promised in international treaties, and thus build control strategies for work, education, health and housing. A full chapter is devoted to support of the sinews of democracy. In line with Gargarella, claim that the right to protest is the first law in a democratic state because it is the law that allows citizens (without the necessary through their representatives) to publicly demand the recovery of other rights.
The opening chapter, Promise and present human rights, confronts all that the State undertook to ensure, as a counterpart of everyday image: the increasing abandonment basic services, the neglect of social welfarism and violence of police abuse.
The following chapters are devoted to specific topics, including the rights stand against police violence. The choice issue, which is far from exhausting the promises of the state is explained by the genesis of the manual: a previous study done for years with social organizations in the region.

A collective exercise

Draft The right to have rights began-and continues-to workshops with neighborhood activists around themes defined by their needs, then addressed in the chapters: rights abuses against security forces, the scope of the so-called right to the city, and community outreach strategies to overcome the media blockade and replicate the experience in the neighborhoods where working groups recipients of social experience. Before this work there is a long experience of counseling and legal defense of activists, coupled with academic reflection on the criminalization of poverty and social protest from a seminar at the Faculty of Juridical and Social Sciences National University of La Plata.
The manual is supplied mainly from workshops with organizations territorial over the years, executed in three extension projects accredited by the UNLP in 2005, 2006 and 2007, with the participation of several faculties. Funding for the initiative, with input also from the Universidad Nacional de Quilmes, allowed the first edition. The publication also carries the seal of the Collective for Research and Legal Action (CIAJ) and politico-cultural Warehouse Sur, participants in the project. Recently, the experience was accredited as a university extension program at UNLP, ensuring continuity for three years. This year's team focused on circulating the handbook presents in different provinces and in some Latin American countries (Uruguay, Mexico and Colombia) and conduct workshops for organizations to use give rather than remaining stationary in a library. In 2010 plan to continue working with a hot topic: the rights of children and adolescents. The most significant
manual is thinking of a collective interlocutor rather than a free citizen: The only way to guarantee their exercise, especially within the marginalized, disadvantaged and vulnerable, is the organization (.. .) There are no rights without organization.
We are not classic guide to the recommendations lists the police can stop you without reason. On the contrary, says the police stop you, and does so by being too dark and poor. Having taken the reality, proposing alternative answers to what to do when we stop when we steal the documents, when we cached and checked us when we are at the police station when we stop more time than any, when we uncommunicate when torture us when we paper (ie a case against armed or forged) or in cases of trigger-happy, among other responses required.
A key chapter is that dealing with violence by security forces, which tends to be the state's best-known face among the popular sectors. The manual emphasizes the illegality and teaches ways to defend themselves. There is clear that the proposal is aimed at social organizations, not individual subjects.
The proposed rights The right to have encouraged citizens to band together to defend and encourages social protest. Therefore, the boards relate to how to deal with the criminalization of public intimidation, for sedition, by coercion or extortion, disobeying authority, damages, ie, the most common forms of criminalization of social protest. On the other hand, details the methods of growing police abuse in everyday life. The police are not solving objective insecurity (crime) but, above all, the subjective uncertainty (fear of crime). Police will not prosecute illegal actions but youth groups stigmatized by society as lazy or suspects, say the authors.
focused on a dresser apparently banal routines, point out that policing look through a particular situation on a case by case, no crime. But if we tie each of these acts, if we begin to relate, if we start to cross the data, then it may shed light on these practices, and cropping characterize them as potential crimes. In this regard, the suggestion is that social organizations to develop a record where write peers or neighbors who were detained or delayed, the date, time and name or veneer or the cops or the number of patrol if you know. (...) With this record not only seek to determine those involved in institutional practices, but above all, finding that these practices always or almost always fall on the same individuals or groups of people. All with a view, tomorrow, to make a complaint or legal filing (for example, present a habeas corpus preventivo) against the practices and routines by police were abusive, discriminatory and violent.
This manual human rights for no social organizations intended to be comprehensive, clear from the start: they will not find here a section referring to the rights that women or children, or the aborigines, or immigrants, or peasants, nor possible to develop strategies for putting highlight the problems that may have these groups. What it is raised is the way, an exemplary experience of joint work between the university, human rights organizations and social actors from the grassroots, that he recognized some outstanding work of human rights organizations in Argentina, doomed until then mainly the fight against the perpetrators and ideological state terrorism of the last civil-military dictatorship and against impunity.